In Lesotho, the college of chiefs determine who will be the next person in line for succession as monarch. The first alternative included a variety of ways in which power could be transferred from the monarch to another institution, such as the people, a bureaucratic elite, the military etc. Several states that are constitutional republics are in practice ruled as authoritarian states. Constitutional provisions for government are suspended in these states; constitutional forms of government are stated in parentheses. In the data set by Boix et al. Constitutional monarchies and semi-const . https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2020.1824360, http://mjp.univ-perp.fr/constit/la1949.htm, http://www.hellenicparliament.gr/en/Vouli-ton-Ellinon/To-Politevma/Syntagmatiki-Istoria/, http://theconversation.com/seeking-more-power-thailands-new-king-is-moving-the-country-away-from-being-a-constitutional-monarchy-71637, https://doi.org/10.33167/2184-2078.RPCP2018.10/pp.65-76, Thailand 1975, 198390, 19922005, 201113, 2.Relative power of monarch equals or is stronger than power of PM, Belgium 1918, 1959, Liechtenstein 19212017, Luxembourg 1944, Monaco 19622017, Netherlands 1945, Sweden 191116, Yugoslavia 192128, Bhutan 2016, Greece 18641914, Laos 195458, Liechtenstein 19212017, Luxembourg 1944, Monaco 19622017, Nepal 19912001, Netherlands 1945, Sweden 191117, Thailand 1975, 198390, 922005, 201113, Yugoslavia 192128, Bhutan 201417, Greece 18641907, 191114, 195566, Laos 195458, Lesotho 201316, Liechtenstein 19212017, Luxembourg 190039, 442017, Monaco 19622017, Nepal 19912001, Spain 1977, Thailand 1975, 198390, 19922005, 201113, Yugoslavia 192128, Belgium 18941913, 191839, 19462017, Denmark 190142, 19452017, Greece 186499, 1935, 194666, Italy 191921, Japan 19522017, Luxembourg 190039, 19442017, Monaco 19622017, Nepal 19912001, Netherlands 18881939, 1945, Norway 190539, 19452017, Spain 19772017, Sweden 191175, United Kingdom 18852017, Yugoslavia 192128, 6. During the Second World War, the king was in exile. For a few years, the king and the prime minister shared executive powers, but it was highly unclear which of the actors that was the most powerful one. Bhutan 200917, Greece 18641914, 1935, 5066, Liechtenstein 19212017, Lesotho 200216, Luxembourg 190039, Monaco 19622017, Spain 1977, Thailand 1975, 8390, 922005, 201113, Belgium 190013, 191939, 4458, 602017, Denmark 19012017, Japan 19522017, Lesotho 2017, Netherlands 18881939, 19462017, Norway 190939, 19452017, Spain 19782017, Sweden 19182017, United Kingdom 18852017, Bhutan 200917, Liechtenstein 19212017, Luxembourg 19002017, Greece 18641914, Italy 191921, Nepal 19912001, Thailand 1975, 8390, 922005, 1113, Yugoslavia 192128. The constitution adopted the same year gave King Alexander I extensive powers. Bhutan 201316, Greece 1874, 194666, Italy 191921, Liechtenstein 19212017, Luxembourg 1944, Monaco 19622017, Sweden 191116, Thailand 1975, 8390, 922005, 201113, Tonga 201217, Yugoslavia 192128. Do you know the difference between an absolute monarchy and a semi-constitutional monarchy? Although, if a vote of no confidence is successful and they do not resign, it triggers the dissolution of the legislature and new elections (per section 92 of the, Some monarchs are given a limited number of discretionary, One of fifteen constitutional monarchies which recognize the. Monarchy can be categorised into many types in this modern era: semi-constitutional monarchy, absolute monarchy, commonwealth realms, and subnational monarchy. I then proceed by identifying the cases where the monarch has been powerful on the nine power dimensions of the V-dem dataset. The authors define as semi-constitutional monarchies systems in which the actions of monarchs are circumscribed by a constitution, but in which monarchs, as independent and autonomous political actors, nonetheless have the capacity to exert a large measure of political influence Corbett et al. The next step is to assess to what extent power dimensions are cumulated in the units of analysis. In the subsequent years, King Constantine appointed a number of governments, all of which lasted for short periods of time. 66109). Some of the central Asian countries such as Bhutan, Brunei Darussalam, Japan, the Arab Emirate, and the UAE are examples of the monarch countries of modern times. In recent years, it has become much easier to make cross-country comparisons on the basis of political practice. The long reign of King Bhumibol also meant that he could gradually consolidate his position as Pater Patriae. In the present study, countries must be democratic in order to qualify as semi-constitutional monarchies. The powers of the monarch have been constitutionally weak ever since the country became independent in 1966. Often, these changes were not reflected in the constitutions of the countries. The second category consists of similar cases in which democracy did not consolidate, and the country returned to autocracy. Thus, much in line with Corbett et al. Half a century ago, Samuel P. Huntington (Citation1968), when discussing regime transformations from autocracy to democracy, took the view that an absolute monarch who considered reaching a compromise by means of which he or she would retain some of his or her powers within the framework of a democratic system, was likely to get disappointed. Yet, Boix et al. The democratic era of Laos ended in 1959, after the military forced Prime Minister Sananikone to resign. a HOS appoints cabinet in practice (C) (v2exdfcbhs, *_osp, *_ord). In practice, does the head of state have the power to appoint or is the approval of the head of state necessary for the appointment of cabinet ministers? Yes= Responses 3 or 4. b Relative power of the HOS (D) (v2ex_hosw). Thresholds within the size category are, to some extent, always arbitrary. After the liberation of Greece, there was strong opposition towards the monarchy. Other constitutional monarchies include Belgium, Cambodia, Jordan, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Thailand. The following countries have presidential systems where a post of prime minister (official title may vary) exists alongside that of the president. Bhutan, Cambodia, Japan, and Thailand have constitutional monarchies where the monarch has a limited or ceremonial role. The strong position of the hereditary monarch was attributed to the fact that the royal family of Laos had been extremely loyal to the French. Such freedom can be seen in how Kuwaiti writers and thinkers speak their minds about the most important issues in their country and in the region. I also include a question measuring the influence of the monarch over domestic policy. In some full parliamentary systems, the head of state is directly elected by voters. The colour-coding also appears on the following map, representing the same government categories. In Nepal, the democratic constitution of 1990 was adopted reluctantly by King Birendra, after it had become apparent that he would otherwise have faced a rebellion (Nepal et al., Citation2011, p. 887). On the other hand, a semi-constitutional monarchy lets the monarch or ruling royal family retain substantial political powers, as is the case in Jordan and Morocco. Table 3. The military junta abolished the monarchy in 1973, in an attempt to consolidate its position. In practice, Governor-Generals are chosen by the parliaments and/or prime ministers of the countries and often the persons chosen to this position are local politicians or dignitaries. However, since none of the two countries has been a democracy for more than decade, it is difficult to predict future developments. Moving on, the results showed that In Luxembourg, Sweden, Spain and Yugoslavia the monarch has been in possession of powers in three out of four power dimensions. The literature on the role of monarchs in democratic systems is scarce. He came to power in 1964, and almost immediately clashed with prime minister Papandreou over the control of the military. In Greece, regime developments during the last 150 years have been a real roller-coaster ride. a government led by a prime minister. In Liechtenstein the Prince Regnant appoints the government, which must enjoy the confidence of both the legislature and the Prince Regnant. It has elements of intergovernmentalism, with the European Council acting as its collective "president", and also elements of supranationalism, with the European Commission acting as its executive and bureaucracy. According to the constitution from 1962, the Prince is the dominant (in fact, the only) actor in the exercise of executive powers and has very far reaching powers in the legislative sphere; he has exclusive right to initiate laws, absolute veto powers and can dissolve the legislature at will. The aim of the present study is to study to what extent the occurrence of semi-constitutional monarchies, i.e. We can then give a final assessment of how our two plausible explanations of monarchic power fare. A new constitution was adopted in 1978, and from that year, the Spanish monarch no longer possesses any significant powers. Regarding the other dimension of interest, I apply six categories. In semi-constitutional monarchies, however, the monarch retains power that is analogous to the power of a president in a republican system. The third and fourth category refer to situations where the semi-constitutional monarchic form of government has emerged from an autocratic regime without a monarch as head of state, whereas the fifth and sixth categories describe situations where the semi-constitutional monarchic system has developed from another democratic form of government, and subsequently either democratised (the second last column) or not (the last column). First, since powerful hereditary heads of states do not sit well with democratic principles it is natural to consider systems with powerful monarchs as anomalies, which are likely to occur especially in countries which experience a transition from autocratic monarchical rule to democracy. Recommended articles lists articles that we recommend and is powered by our AI driven recommendation engine. The head of a monarchy is called a monarch.It was a common form of government across the world during the ancient and medieval times.. A semi-constitutional, like some people have said would be like Monaco for instance, the monarch is restricted by a constitution and shares power with a directly elected Prime Minister, the executive power however lies with the head of state and not the head of government. Tho I'll add semi-constitutional monarchies operate just like a constitutional one tho the monarch has more influence and is more involved in the legislature. The unique symbiosis between the monarchy and the military has secured the position of the monarch, both in democratic and authoritarian eras. [12] Full parliamentary republican systems that do not have a directly elected head of state usually use either an electoral college or a vote in the legislature to appoint the president. However, it is quite plausible that physical determinants in general and size in particular can play an important role in explaining regime choice and regime survival on a more general level and future studies are accordingly advised to fully explore such patterns. To begin with, some conceptual clarifications are needed. The president is elected by parliament and holds a parliamentary seat, much like a prime minister, but is immune from a vote of no confidence (but not their cabinet), unlike a prime minister. It is Europe's fourth-smallest country, with an area of just over 160 square kilometres (62 square miles) and a population of 38,749 (as of 2019). Also, combining all the rest of the dimensions makes little sense, since many of the questions from the V-dem dataset overlap, especially with reference to the powers in the executive sphere. Second, since a monarch in a semi-constitutional monarchy lacks democratic legitimacy (in contrast to a president in a semi-presidential system) very powerful monarchs are, by definition, not possible within democratic contexts, and the threshold must consequently be situated at low levels of the power-scale. Every case listed under any of questions 14 is categorised as meeting the criterion of monarchic executive powers (EP), and every case listed under questions 8 or 9 is considered to fulfil the criterion of monarchic legislative powers (LP). Since the monarch presumably can be expected to be reluctant to give up his or her powers, a handy compromise in a democratising country would be to let the monarch continue to exercise influence along with the prime minister rather than to abruptly strip him or her of all powers. Table 2. For the purpose of the present study, we are concerned with situations where absolute monarchies democratise, which means that the first and, particularly, the second strategies are relevant. In addition, the dataset does not account for all possible power prerogatives. The parliament has always been dominated by one party (although not always the same), which has been loyal to the monarch. A second category is composed of somewhat larger countries, with a population ranging from 1 to 3 millions, whereas all other countries are considered large. States in which political power is by law concentrated within one political party whose operations are largely fused with the government hierarchy (as opposed to states where the law establishes a multi-party system but this fusion is achieved anyway through electoral fraud or simple inertia). To some extent, the two strategies overlap and merely reflect differences in degree rather than in kind. The Italian experience resembles the Yugoslavian one in the sense that the monarch retained some powers as the country transited from autocracy to democracy, after which autocracy was restored. Although the current constitution still formally grants the Grand Duke a leading role in the executive sphere and the power to appoint and dismiss members of the government as well as the power to dissolve the legislature at will, the monarch of Luxembourg possesses significantly less powers in practise. Since the coding is based on expert surveys among a large number of country experts it is evident that the coding criteria can vary substantially between the experts (e.g. These are systems in which a president is the active head of the executive branch of government, and is elected and remains in office independently of the legislature. Systems in which a prime minister is the active head of the executive branch of government. The president is head of state and the prime minister is head of government, although the prime minister generally works under the discretion of the former more so than in a premier-presidential system. Absolute monarchies are systems where the monarch, the hereditary ruler, possesses powers to such an extent that the countries in question do not qualify as democracies. Theoretically, it can be traced back to Ancient Greece, but so far, very few empirical studies have been conducted where size has been given the primary focus among the explanatory variables. Thus, much in line with Corbett et al. However, semi-constitutional monarchies do not always exist as a transitional phase during which democracy is introduced and subsequently consolidated. According to Huntington, there were three options available for a monarch confronted with this dilemma: transformation, coexistence, and maintenance. If the first option is chosen, power is transformed from the monarch to the people, whereby a democratic, constitutional monarchy emerges where the king reigns but does not rule (Huntington, Citation1968, p. 177). The results of the present study has demonstrated that there is a strong relationship between population size and the stability of semi-constitutional monarchies. The coup did not transform Thailand into a democracy, however. Bhutan 201416, Greece 1874, 195566, Liechtenstein 19212017, Luxembourg 1944, Monaco 19622017, Sweden 191116, Thailand 1975, 8390, 922005, 201113, Yugoslavia 192128. A constitutional monarchy is different than an absolute monarchy because in absolute monarchies, the monarch is able . However, the monarch continued to be an influential (although not dominant) actor in Laotian politics until the end of the monarchy in 1975, when the communists came to power. In 1935, military strongman Georgios Kondylis forced Prime Minister Tsaldaris to resign and reinstalled the semi-constitutional monarchic system. To begin with, I exclude the power to appoint the prime minister from further analysis for the reason outlined above. A combined head of state and head of government in the form of an executive president is either elected by the legislature or by voters after candidates are nominated for the post by the legislature (in the case of Kiribati), and they must maintain the confidence of the legislature to remain in office. Bhutan 201417, Greece 18641914, 5566, Liechtenstein 19212017, Luxembourg 190039, Monaco 19622017, Spain 1977, Thailand 1975, 8390, 922005, 201113. It provided for a democratic form of government albeit with a hereditary monarch with powers to chair cabinet meetings and considerable veto powers in the legislative sphere (Digithque dematriaux juridiques et politiques). Commonly, monarchies are classified into absolute monarchies and constitutional monarchies, but since this classification essentially is based on the powers the monarch possesses, the difference between the categories is one of degree rather than kind. Liechtenstein is bordered by Switzerland to the west and south and Austria to the east and north. The exact political character of the European Union is debated, some arguing that it is sui generis (unique), but others arguing that it has features of a federation or a confederation. The monarchs of Liechtenstein and Monaco still possess extensive powers. Particularly the death of the monarch provides a good opportunity to strip the monarch of his or her powers (see also Huntington, Citation1968, 180). The head of state is ordinarily called a president and (in full parliamentary republics) is separate from the head of government, serving a largely apolitical, ceremonial role. States in which most power is exercised by the central government. By institutional fidelity they refer to the fact that the birth and existence of small states are linked to actions taken by monarchs at crucial moments in history, which means that there is a tendency to consider the monarchy an essential component of the identity of the state (Corbett et al., Citation2017). In these systems, the head of government is usually called the prime minister, chancellor or premier. in 2015, would fall below the threshold of democracy in 2015: Albania, East Timor, El Salvador, Guyana, India, Mexico, Moldova, Nepal, and Solomon Islands. First, it is uncontroversial, in the sense that it separates systems where the monarch has ceremonial powers only from systems where the monarch can exercise at least some influence in the political sphere.
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